On October 28, the whistleblowing website Cryptome published the FBI Directorate of Intelligence: Counterterrorism Division's Counterterrorism Analytical Lexicon. This eye-opening "Unclassified/For Official Use Only" (U/FOUO) document purports "to standardize terms used in the FBI analytical products dealing with counterterrorism."
But what it does instead, in keeping with the FBI's insatiable appetite for "actionable intelligence product," is create new categories of individuals who might fall under the purview of state "counterterrorism" investigations.
Right up front the Bureau informs us that the definitions used in the lexicon, "do not supercede those in the Department of Justice National Foreign Intelligence Program Manual (NFIPM), the Attorney General Guidelines, the National Implementation Plan for the War on Terror, or any US government statute."
That covers a lot and ground and can hide much in the way of government mischief, particularly when new guidelines issued by U.S. Attorney General Michael Mukasey permit broad, intrusive investigations by FBI snoops. As the Washington Post reported in early October,
The new road map allows investigators to recruit informants, employ physical surveillance and conduct interviews in which agents disguise their identities in an effort to assess national security threats. FBI agents could pursue each of those steps without any single fact indicating a person has ties to a terrorist organization. (Carrie Johnson, "Guidelines Expand FBI's Surveillance Powers," The Washington Post, Saturday, October 4, 2008; A03)
In response, the American Civil Liberties Union warned that,
The new guidelines reduce standards for beginning "assessments" (precursors to investigations), conducting surveillance and gathering evidence, meaning the threshold to beginning investigations across the board will be lowered. More troubling still, the guidelines allow a person's race or ethnic background to be used as a factor in opening an investigation, a move the ACLU believes may institute racial profiling as a matter of policy. ("ACLU Condemns New FBI Guidelines," Press Release, October 3, 2008)
In other words, an individual's political views, racial background or ethnic origin can serve as a pretext for an investigation. The Analytical Lexicon claims that "Analysis that labels an individual with any of these terms is not sufficient predication for any investigation or technique. Nor can any investigation be conducted solely upon the basis of activities protected by the First Amendment or the lawful exercise of other rights secured by the Constitution or laws of the United States."
The next sentence, couched in overly broad language subject to a great deal of latitude on the part of investigators states: "Before applying a label to an individual or his or her activity, reasonable efforts should have been made to ensure the application of that label to be accurate, complete, timely, and relevant." (emphasis added)
Would, let's say, the word of a paid informant or provocateur, be considered a "reasonable effort" that would then lead to labelling an individual as a member of a "terrorist cell" or "network"?
Indeed, the Lexicon avers that "one or more terms from each of these categories can be used to characterize an individual and his or her background and activity. The applicability of these terms to an individual is generally a matter of degree and involves subjective judgments."
"Subjective judgments" by whom, and for what purpose, one might reasonably ask the Directorate of Intelligence. As has been amply documented in the case of antiwar activists targeted by the Maryland State Police (MSP), once individuals have been labeled "terrorists" their personal details disappear into a myriad of federal, state and local "extremist" databases.
During a 14 month period in 2005-2006 for example, the Maryland State Police and the MSP's Homeland Security and Intelligence Division (HSID), illegally spied on death penalty opponents and antiwar organizers.
Surveillance summaries, including names and personal details gathered on individuals and groups were entered into the Washington-Baltimore High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area (HIDTA) database, a federal data mining "tool" which tracks suspected terrorists and shares the results with national "counterterrorist" Fusion Centers.
The Washington Post reported that one "well-known antiwar activist from Baltimore, Max Obuszewski, was singled out in the intelligence logs released by the ACLU, which described a "primary crime" of 'terrorism-anti-government' and a 'secondary crime' of 'terrorism-anti-war protesters'."
According to documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union of Maryland, labeled "Exhibit 2" in the report issued by Stephen E. Sachs, "show that there was communication between the MSP and the National Security Agency (NSA) regarding surveillance," the ACLU reported.
Spying and repression by "off the reservation" state and local agencies dependent on federal largess hasn't been limited to Maryland, nor are intelligence operations targeting peaceful protest and constitutionally-protected speech limited to the FBI or Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Such operations in fact, fit a discernible and troubling pattern that for decades has equated dissident political activity with "subversion."
As Mike Van Winkle, a spokesperson with the California Anti-Terrorism Information Center (CATIC) infamously told the Oakland Tribune back in 2003, "You can make an easy kind of a link that, if you have a protest group protesting a war where the cause that's being fought against is international terrorism, you might have terrorism at that (protest). You can almost argue that a protest against that is a terrorist act."
There you have it, the criminalization of dissent.
No reasonable person would oppose law enforcement officials investigating criminal gangs who might threaten Americans with horrific attacks such as those perpetrated on September 11, 2001 by the Afghan-Arab database of disposable Western intelligence assets known as al Qaeda.
But as numerous media reports, Congressional investigators and indeed, the 9/11 Commission itself have documented: despite multiple occasions before the plot was executed, law enforcement and intelligence officials failed to act.
Indeed, these serial failures--whether through commission or omission--can be characterized as criminal negligence, a prosecutable offense that could result in jail time. Yet not a single official was ever held to account. On the contrary the worst offenders, including senior administrators in the FBI, CIA and NSA were awarded plum promotions or assumed well-compensated corporate positions within the military-industrial-security complex!
My purpose here is not to debate various theories regarding 9/11 or its subsequent cover-up, but rather to demonstrate that in the wake of those horrific attacks, state intelligence agencies pointed their formidable surveillance apparatus at the American people themselves. This tendency is prominently featured in the FBI's Analytical Lexicon where we discover:
US-Radicalized: A "US-radicalized" individual's primary social influence has been the cultural values and beliefs of the United States and whose radicalization and indoctrination began or occurred primarily in the United States.
Ideologue or propagandist: An "ideologue" or "propagandist" establishes, promotes, or disseminates justifications for violent extremism, often through manipulation of primary text materials such as religious texts or historical accounts that establish grievances. He or she may not have strong links to any terrorist organization or be integrated into an organization's command structure. Unless he or she directly advocates specific acts of violence, much of such an individual's activity might be constitutionally protected. (Federal Bureau of Investigation, Counterterrorism Analytical Lexicon," Washington, D.C., no date, pp. 4-5)
As we have seen over the years since 9/11, the grounds for launching "counterterrorism" investigations have shifted from directly targeting intelligence and/or terrorist operatives on U.S. soil, to American dissidents and their supporters, the vast majority of whom are antiwar, environmental, civil liberties, socialist and labor activists.
Indeed, millions of Americans have questioned "the cultural values and beliefs of the United States," particularly when they have challenged the Bush regime's doctrine of aggressive, preemptive war or the systematic looting of the economy by capitalist grifters.
The Lexicon, while affirming that the theoretical or investigative work of alleged "ideologues" and "propagandists"--such as investigative journalists or historians--"might be constitutionally protected," the bar is set very low here and this too, fits the Bureau's own historical ideological mindset that dissent = terrorism.
And when citizens band together to form, let's say, an antiwar committee, environmental action group or labor organizing task force, the Lexicon designates this "a network."
Network: A "network" is any group of two or more individuals that is tied together by communication or common associations. A network is distinguished from a cell in that a network does not work together toward a discrete common objective, although all the members might ideologically support a common goal. Any individual's associations can typically be described in terms of multiple networks. (FBI, op. cit., p. 8)
Citizens would be naïve to think that the terms described in the Analytical Lexicon wouldn't be applied to them or that the Bureau's current investigative guidelines will not become the basis for new political witch hunts against Americans.
As we have seen throughout these eight long, dark years of the Bush administration, the geopolitical machinations of the U.S. ruling class have created nothing but disaster and suffering. From Afghanistan to Iraq and from Hurricane Katrina to the ongoing nightmare that is "Hurricane America" in the form of the recent $700 billion Wall Street bailout, ruling elites will do everything in their power to "keep the rabble in line."
In a political culture such as this, we have all become "suspects."
In case you are not aware, far worse has been used on political targets since the 60s, see the definition below:
"POLITICAL CONTROL TECHNOLOGY (PCT) are devices and
>methodologies intended to force behavioral
>modifications against the will of the victim by
>(covertly or overtly) sensing and or altering, or
>negatively impacting any combination of: a). physical
>health and comfort: b). mental thoughts, processes,
>and/or memories; c). spiritual beliefs and/or mental
>well being; d). personal, social and political
>credibility, standing, and effectiveness; and
>indirectly; e). financial status, family unity,
>friendships, and job security." --- H. Michael
Below one technique:
Case Studies of Destabilization and Delusions Described as
Radio-wave Transmitted: Behavioral Implications
Department of Psychology, University of Albany, State University of New York
Albany, New York 12222, United States of America
The topic of the case studies involved in the research paradigm to be described here is the use of devices which have been labeled in various ways. Informal names for them have included: radio-wave hearing implants; electromagnetic auditory devices; internal, auditory, connecting devices; and radio-wave, auditory, assaultive. transmitting (RAAT) implants. They refer to the use of a minature device attached to the human auditory canal, near the tympanic membrane. The goals of this research as a technique for presenting scenarios of experimental, composite case studies of this phenomena are stated. RAAT implants are described, as well as their implantation and detection; the transduction system; their physical, emotional, and cognitive effects; and societal implications including a brief exploration of the technological involvement.
I. GOALS OF THIS RESEARCH
The purpose of these implants is the use of electromagnetism in a communication device which can act as a transducer. The input typically ranges from two to seven megahertz (MHz) at low intensity. According to reports about individuals who have described them, the input is described as sound resembling that which a commercial radio might provide. Other descriptions of these experiences have also been included in the case studies which will be summarized. According to the summaries, behavioral functions of RAAT implants can encompass internal, auditory surveillance of the individual's experiences, pain delivery to that person, and transmissions of conversations as any sound heard by the individual. Examples of these functions will be part of this description.
The psychological implications of using RAAT implants are broad, not the least of which is the concern that any person reporting the existence of them in one's ears, or the experience of "hearing voices' not observed by those present, may be labeled delusional as a symptom of severe psychological disturbance. Current psychiatric diagnosis would lead to the possibility that these behavioral signs support a conclusion of paranoia as part of psychosis or more narrowly, schizophrenia. Thus this research paradigm will investigate the effects of individuals' claiming these exist or happen.
Why would a behavioral researcher undertake the study of hypotheses related to such a paradigm?
For one important reason, the experiences related to RAAT implantation have, as already pointed out, a crucial role in the diagnosis of mental disturbance. To date, no known studies have investigated the role of this phenomena in the individual's perception, behavior, or well-being. According to a search of the literature on psychopathology, no empirical knowledge exists about these aspects of RAAT implantation as studied here, despite its contribution to the diagnostic process in such publications as the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual-IV of the American Psychiatric Association (1). Second, the author as a social and personality psychologist works in a field which has historically initiated research in areas of social behavior by isolating a focal variable and systematically examining it from many different angles. This unstudied phenomena resembles other social behaviors subjected to close, scientific analysis using
methodological variations that can lead to reliable, valid conclusions. Third, the range of analyses in the author's field extends from abstract, basic research to direct application. this paradigm brings a social behavior into the settings of basic research in order to uncover new knowledge about how this phenomenon works.
The paradigm or model of research involves the use of experimental case studies to examine one factor of reported use of RAAT implants among various categories of adults. These cases are experimental in the sense that the participants were not in clinical populations; they were not being treated for mental disturbance as a part of this study. The first step in this paradigm is to conceptualize the types of cases that could reveal how the implants effect the individual. This paper described the reports of individuals represented by these cases, and integrates several aspects of the ímplanted person's experience. What to do with these accounts formed the second step in the paradigm. The technique selected for this research was to study the perceptions and attitudes of college students about the case study experiences, and the results of the initial findings have been reported at another conference. The third step for this research could broaden its
implications for application; one use would be to increase awareness about the phenomena and its importance for everyday, as well as specialized, aspects of one's experience.
In the next section, the case study method will be described briefly in order to distinguish it from other methods and to indicate its utility. Following sections will summarize: the RAAT implants themselves; description of the devices; conditions of implanting; the transduction system; effects on physical health; emotional and cognitive effects; and society's involvement with this phenomenon including effects on antisocial behavior and implications for the condition of a society faced with it, for medicine, law and its enforcement, and technology.
II. HOW CASE STUDIES CAN BE INTERPRETED
In the prologue to Paul Abramson's (1984) book, Sarah: A Sexual Biography, the defining elements of the case study as a scientific method are outlined. Abramson uses the term "slice of life" to embody the meaning of this method, tracing it to its clinical and medical roots (2). It is an account of individual human behavior that fits within a pattern that is presented stylistically. Data from a response sheet, observations of the individual by the researcher and other reporters, and past histories combine into a story that characterizes the experiences sampled for inclusion.
Behavioral case studies' content can reach into endless areas of peoples' lives. Some areas may appear unrelated at the outset of cataloging, only to become interrelated as the process of storytelling unfolds. he scattered pieces reemerge at times into a sensible whole that can lead to a compelling study of individuals dealing with the challenges of a lifetime. Case studies as a method tie together subjectivity with intended objectivity. Inaccurate memory, distortion, and denial can result from projective methods; of course all self-report methods including apparently objective ones like surveys have received criticism due to their basic subjectivity. The richness from interweaving the two loose ends has also been praised as an alternative method for gaining insight into areas that can give us a "...penetrating view of a set of circumstances that are more horrendous and more involving than the content of even the most vivid fiction," as Abramson (p.5)
describes a subject with an unusual history.
Besides describing the apparent experiences of these five functional adults who reported presence of RAAT implants, the observations are extended into implications for macro levels of societal trends. In the field of Social and Personality Psychology, a technique for presenting this kind of information is the scenario. Once the observations about composite cases have been described, several scenarios are developed as outcomes explaining the effects on some societal trends. Not every variable that can be conceptualized is related to either the individuals' accounts or to the scenarios. Therefore, only certain phenomena are mentioned because of the relevance to the outcomes.
III. DESCRIPTION OF THE DEVICES
In this composite of experimental studies, the term RAAT implants will refer to miniaturized transducers operating via low-frequency electromagnetism consistently with accounts of individuals who report awareness of their presence. Besides communication and pain delivery, the individuals may also describe functions of surveillance, tracking of their locations, and direction of their behavior by remote influence. Some devices currently available involve some of these functions, including implants in animals for tracking and identification, and similar purposes among prisoners. The latter may have, for example, cuffs secured to their ankles for ensuring limits on their mobility via notification to a remote location of their whereabouts.
The accounts by case study subjects imply certain characteristics of the RAAT implants that involve their location, probable operation, structure and materials. The device would be invisible by an observer, given that the cases have not revealed others' mentioning that they noticed them. Because the persons have not had implantation via invasive surgery, their implied location would be internal but easily reachable. Their function would indicate placement in the ear canal, near the tympanic membrane or ear drum. Transmission of electromagnetism would be two-way, meaning that the transducers act as both receivers and transmitters. The material used for this purpose would involve some sort of metal because of their conductiveness, although the precise content is not known to these case study subjects.
Some hearing assistive devices have become commercially available that resemble them in some ways, although the aids are removable by the patients and are not implanted. Some assistive devices have used electromagnetism that is programmed by a computer to a useful frequency range. Also cochlear implants can be implanted for conductive hearing loss due to nerve damage, although this type of implant involves extensive surgery and follow-up. As far as RAAT implants are concerned, the USA's Food and Drug Administration regards the next phase of them as devices and not implants. The distinction is relevant and deserves explanation. Because they are not placed within tissue, they qualify as nonimplants and therefore are subjected to less stringent tests of safety, side effects, and toxicity.
IV. CONDITIONS OF IMPLANTING
The conditions under which RAAT implants are placed in someone's ears are described as follows. Because most implantation seems to occur without the victim's awareness, this information has been provided by radio operators. The accounts seem consistent in describing the typical conditions for implanting as involving general anesthesia during surgery for another purpose. The more general status of the victim is to be under the care of a medical professional while unconscious. However, there is some indication that even newborns may have a different version of RAAT deposited in their ears. The adult version has been sewed into a stabilized position near the tympanic membrane or eardrum. Implanted people have been found in all professions and strata of society. Detection of these devices can involve two major methods. The first is to use an inexpensive otoscope that has a lighted funnel for viewing the auditory canal near the eardrum. In adults the usual
appearance would be darkened areas that diverge significantly from the textbook appearance of the suditory canal. There may be tiny stitches visable in this area, which secure the devices in a section of the canal. Multiple pairs of implants in each ear can be forced upon the anesthetized victim when additional surgery occurs in the future. The original view was that the instruments for RAAT implanting are too large for newborns and infants up to the age of 1.5 years, but some visibility of an obstruction in the auditory canal of children who have not had anesthesia and some indication of short-distance transmission with their implanted parents has led to a revision of this view. Case study subjects and radio operators have reported that no doctor has admitted to viewing this abnormal appearance to victims of any age, including their own families. A second method involves the use of a device known as a bug detector, which is available through some mail
order catalogs specializing in surveillance equipment. The appropriate detector will have enough sensitivity to signal the presence of electromagnetic waves below 5 MHz. It is simply pointed into the ear canal, where transmissions can be detected depending on the strength of radio-wave activity currently directed in that area by radio-operators antennas. What would motivate professionals to perform malpractice on such a large and invasive scale? Some accounts have described financial gain for the implanters themselves. But the daily denial by medical professionals about the visibility of RAAT implants would be very puzzling. Descriptions of an experience among physicians applying for a medical license might provide a partial explanation. According to the results of surveillance of closed, pre-licensing sessions by radio operators, these physicians are exposed to an account of the scandal and its cover-up as it relates to the malpractice connected with
RAAT implanting. As a condition of receiving and maintaining their license, these physicians are described as agreeing not to reveal this information. Tactics such as threatening or psychotropically drugging patients who claim implantation have been developed. Additionally, a similar technique of maintaining denial about severely widespread malpractice has reportedly arisen among attorneys with respect to licensing and continuing in the profession. Imagine the scene of a prospective plaintiff approaching two attorneys to request that a personal injury case be undertaken, concerning the person's RAAT implantation and severe injury resulting from it. When the victim produces a bug detector and the attorneys use it to demonstrate their own implantation, while the detector buzzes away and lights up in their own ears, they amazingly reject the case anyway.
V. THE TRANSDUCTION SYSTEM
In the system of transmitting electromagnetism to and from RAAT implants, several factors and techniques are involved. Only the basics will be summarized here, although according to case study subjects other elements involve the use of computers, communication satellites, and organizations such as the National Security Agency. A claim like this would appear delusional in current diagnostic systems, so the description here will be limited to how people and their transceivers use RAAT implants. The operator of a transceiver as a hobbyist is termed a short-wave or ham radio operator, and operators of citizens band (CB) radios installed in vehicles can also become involved.
SW radio operators can send and receive electromagnetic signals at a wide range of frequencies and across long distances. Communications with aircraft and submarines have involved these parameters. The nonprofessional is required to have a license from the Federal Communications Commission, but operators have described themselves as generally unlicensed. The cost of equipment can exceed several thousand dollars, and includes a tall antenna which can serve as a sign for locating SW radio operation. A televised news report, however, revealed that the 20 to 100 foot towers can be camouflaged by surprising structures like a church steeple, fake trees which might lead to a bird house, a flag pole, or a grain silo. When SW operators transit to or scan RAAT implants in victims, they can talk to the victims remotely and anonymously, and hear the victims speech and thoughts. They can also transmit unusual noises such as loud bangs, sirens, and telephone ringing,
that might worry a victim, whether another person can hear these noises or not. RAAT implants somehow transmit and receive signals at particular frequency within the low range of 2 to 7 MHz as noted before. Thus, multiple implanted people at the same location could receive a frequency such as 4.5 MHz. They would also transmit the sounds they make or hear in this frequency range. This apparently includes bodily noises such as chewing, digestion, and elimination. A later section will summarize psychological effects that would be expected from the severe invasiveness due to this extreme internal surveillance, once the victim becomes aware of it. Most implanted persons may not become aware of their condition either because they receive few transmissions or operators do not inform them.
SW radio operators at times have partially confronted the implications of their transmissions with implanted persons, and some might agree with the description of them as "hobbyists who took a wrong turn". A more typical attitude regards their torture of these victims as fun to transmit and broadcast the private lives of victims in their "cool sport". No other technology has achieved this method of torture, after all. These illegal implants could have been the source of fundamental knowledge about how the human mind operates with self-control and foresight if they were safe to use. However, the National Institutes of Health have denied any governmental role in research about them.
A type of message to an implanted person that radio operators might particularly enjoy is called a ruse. This practice is aimed at degradation through some form of abuse, in this case as a stratagem or trick. According to literature from the Center for Victims of Torture in Minneapolis-St. Paul, the purpose of abuse which involves degradation gives torture its defining features. Radio operators gain a sense of achievement by accomplishing the ruse and by impressing other SW hobbyists. In the literature of psychopathology this message could be characterized as a delusion, or a false belief that can form a belief system. If the belief system persists in a disorganized state, then psychosis is implied; the circularity of this relationship between delusion and psychosis deserves attention, particularly in the context of examining the claims of some paranoid schizophrenics about the origins of their delusions. An example of a story of this type, the largest
and wealthiest corporation in the world Shell Oil Company, brought these devices to a post-World War II population out of its Nazi past among its founders or heads. The implanted person would describe the ruse as including a former friend of decades ago as an heir to this wealth, who would help the person if cooperation with operators' directions occurred. The story further implied complicity in the cover-up by the Federal Government of a scandal of immense proportions regarding RA AT implants. For example, the Department of Defense would help the person to have the torturous implants removed once a targeted act had been performed. The act tended to be impossible to accomplish, in this case focusing on securing a personal injury lawyer to rectify the situation within the legal system. This story has elements in common with belief systems found in cases of paranoid, schizophrenic psychopathology that could result in that diagnosis.
VI. PHYSICAL HEALTH EFFECTS
In an implanted person who has received numerous transmissions, a bug detector can indicate he presence of electromagnetism from the head downward to the bottom of the spine, and outward toward the fingertips. The invisibility of the implants without an otoscope implies that they do not have batteries or other external power source. They would need to draw power from the person's own life systems including the neurological system. How this energy source works has puzzled the case study subjects, but the ruses have suggested such outlandish mechanisms as power directed from Defense Department satellites enabling the use of implants as emitters for spying purposes. Perhaps better specifications about the implants will become available if they can become empirically documented, but radio operators have so far refused to provide evidence about the transmissions or their methods despite direct requests from their victims. Effects of electromagnetism on human
health have been widely documented, in frequency ranges above and below that of RAAT implants. Findings include cancer, muscular and nerve disorders, tissue damage and other serious ailments. Some of this medical literature is controversial, and the frequent use of radio waves for many purposes across fields such as law enforcement, medicine, and communications undoubtedly has contributed to the disputes. If one considers that the human auditory system works below one MHz while the SW transmissions extend into the millions of MHz, the need for study and concern of potential effects can be concluded. Among the physical effects of electromagnetism due to RAAT implantation and transmissions would be symptoms reported by their victims. These can encompass pain, swelling, and tissue damage mentioned earlier. The technique used by radio operators to produce these symptoms involves manipulating the intensity of their transmissions, repeatedly between precise
levels. For example, chest pain could be caused by changing the intensity of the implanted person's dominant frequency between specific degrees on a 1 to 10 scale. A particularly troubling admission by some operators involves seizures, in which similar manipulations produces sudden convulsions. Such effects on the health of implanted persons would be consistent with symptoms documented in cases of persons described as mentally disturbed, who have reported health problems that initially do not match known syndromes or which can be difficult to assess empirically. The term that can be involked to characterize ambiguous symptomology connected with emotionality is somaticizing. The severity of the symptoms can depend on the degree to which the implants have been activated, the frequency and severity of transmission to them by multiple operators, and their relative knowledge about producing this aspect of torture.
VII. EMOTIONAL AND COGNITIVE HEALTH EFFECTS
Two aspects of transmission to RAAT implants interfere with the person's functioning on a psychological level. One is the toxicity of radio waves used in this method. The other is the psychological torture directed toward the victim, which can take the form of constant, verbal abuse. The verbal assault includes insults, substituting the operators' guidance for the victim in directing his or her behavior, and simply occupying the internal space known as the self through external transmission. Radio operators have also been described as conducting conversations with each other in implanted person's head. The victim would of course be helpless in controlling such torture, given that the problem is unrecognized except as a symptom of severe disturbance. Psychological effects of the transduction system outlined here probably center on four issues: cognition, emotion, stress, and destabilization of the self. As for cognition, formation of thought, planning,
and intent, deterioration of long- and short-term memory, and uncharacteristic withdrawal from external stimulation in an autistic fashion can occur. Emotional changes can consist of a range from panic to depression, including fugue and, alternatively, suicidal states. The condition can be one of extreme, ongoing stress, due to the interference with recovery that treatments of post-traumatic stress disorder can reach. An analogy could be the experiences of abducted hostages or prisoners of war during their confinement. The most severe reactions can occur among victims who have been transmitted to operators. Treatment prospects are particularly bleak for the victim. The medical community has supplied drugs with psychotropic properties that cannot repel transmissions. However, the chemicals have purportedly doped or partially sedated the victims in an unsuccessful attempt to control responsiveness to them. Removal of the stitches securing the RAAT
implants would be much preferred as the only effective, ethical corrective for the malpractice.
VIII. SOCIETAL IMPLICATIONS
In the scenario of composite case studies, application to the larger society may occur as well as to the individual. Not all aspects of society will be touched by the effects of having RAAT implants among us. Possible areas of concern can be summarized here. 1. The more general use of implants, the higher would health care costs soar due to side effects of this device, 2. Crime rates would reflect the interference by perpetrators with the individual's self-control and formation of intent to plan and reason. A high crime rate could be predicted. 3. Law enforcement and the legal system would not be immune to negative effects; rates of incarceration would rise. In all three cases, demographic statistics in the United States have risen to puzzling levels, given the high nutritional status, advanced health care, educational level, and funding of law enforcement. Why this country would have one of the highest health care costs and rates of violent crimes, and
a prison industry as the largest among businesses, have not been explained by other sets of factors either. Some accounts have also suggested that computers have become involved in the surveillance of implanted persons by radio operators. It might be possible to observe and revise the codes and inputs for computer use, thus making industrial espionage another possible concern about the effects of having RAAT implants.
1. American Psychiatric Association (1994) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (4th Edition)
2. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association
3. Abramson, P.: Sarah:A Sexual Biography. In D. Byrne and K. Kelley (Eds.), Series in Human Sexual Behavior. Albany, NY; State University of New York Press.
Anon, perhaps a pointer to a url would be more helpful next time. I'm just saying...
Sorry but the link and article have "disappeared", as has professor Kelley. Another interesting article but perhaps less accurate
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